Galery

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Do you think that no party will gain a significant advantage during the coming elections in Bulgaria?

There could be a party with a strong advantage but we will know with greater certainty when the first sociological data after the outbreak of protests are released. Even if one of the parties has a serious advantage, the party itself will not be willing to be in power in this situation. Primarily because it will be practically impossible for a party to come out and say, "We have won and so, we will govern." People are now intolerant to any party whatsoever. Whoever wins these elections should forget the idea of ruling alone. Power will have to be negotiated rather than imposed after these elections.

Basically, there are two types of democracies when it comes to elections. Majorities win in the first one and the other one applies a formula for negotiating the power in order for all interests in society to be represented. I think Bulgaria will have to move to the second option after the elections. It is actually very difficult for this to be applied in our country, because it requires a lot of effort and agreements, which is not easy.

It is hard to believe that a week of protests, no matter how violent they were, were the main reason for Boyko Borisov to resign. Why did Borisov leave office?

Borisov's resignation was in unison with his style of ruling - infinite flexibility in relieving from political responsibilities. This was the trademark of GERB’s ruling. Whenever there was slightly more energy accumulated in the street or in any other form, the institutions accepted it immediately and satisfied the demands, and the opinions of the government changed. In other words, the government did not impose its will, did not show a plan and ruled in an inert manner.

The main charge against them was that they had concentrated too much power. I think the main charge against them is that they did not use that power constructively. At first, they received great public confidence, which they failed to invest in the implementation of clear strategic and consistent actions. They decided not to proceed with the unpopular measures but the country needs a lot of unpopular measures. Anyone who starts implementing unpopular measures loses confidence. These rulers decided to keep at all cost the vote of confidence as a kind of deposit, from which to gain an interest.

Would you give an example of unpopular measures, which Bulgaria needs immediately and which will improve the long-term situation in the country?

First, the health care system of Bulgaria is very unsatisfactory for its citizens and inefficient from a social and economic point of view. The country has very serious problems with state dependent sectors related to social policy. Bulgaria has a huge problem with marginalized and isolated communities that have no chance in the labour market nor opportunities for personal development. There is a huge problem with the administration as well.

These are sectors in which painful measures should have been taken to optimize them, which always lead to the loss of confidence. Boyko Borisov decided to keep the confidence and to postpone the difficult things. By postponing the difficult things, you always get to things that are even more difficult. At one point, the Bulgarians went out into the streets because of utility bills. Some days later, they had not only specific personal or social demands but also general political demands, which expressed their intolerance to the entire political class or the existing political model. Borisov was seen as a defendant as regards this act, as a major culprit, as a ruler. This made him cede power.

This may be perceived as a very responsible political action driven by deep democratism - "the people do not want me, so I am ceding power." In fact, his action was more a kind of abdication because his commitment as a ruler was different. In other words, Borisov decided to save what had been left of his own party and political authority and made a politically correct move, which was incorrect towards the state. This statement is not an assessment. It is a pure observation of the way in which GERB was ruling.

What did Borisov achieve with his resignation? – He got on the last train and kept what had been left of his political authority so as to be able to start his political campaign. My forecast is that a significant part of the Bulgarians again would recognize Borisov as the opponent of the established party elite despite the riots. Rhetorically, the campaign will be divided into two - all former governors and Borisov. Therefore, the number of Bulgarians who will vote for Borisov again will not be small.

If we are to joke bitterly, we could say that the Bulgarians systemically vote anti-systematically. We choose the new out of habit rather than choosing the experience or expertise. The Bulgarians do not look for the other alternative; they seek the new / previously unfound alternative. They do not look for the opposition of a team but for the next team that will take over the game. This is how Borisov came to power. The attitudes against all parties that are prevailing at present are those that gave him the power the first time. In 2001, Simeon Saxe-Coburg’s party came on the wings of the idea of ​​ "sending away all who were in power before us." In 2005, Volen Siderov was waiting for his turn on the bench. In 2009, it was Borisov’s turn.