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The demands are primarily political. In an effort to change everything and completely so, the people are turning to the constitution, the Grand National Assembly, the change of the electoral system into a majority system, etc. It is completely wrong to assume that a change in the constitution will solve the issues that have driven the people into the streets.

These issues are more economic and procedural decisions cannot change them but the people's desire to change the political model is clear. The people do not understand that they will give even more power to the parties with the majority of their demands. For example, the introduction of the majority electoral system could strengthen a bi-party model. Lowering the threshold would allow any not so nice and friendly individuals to come to power. These are some of the demands. The others are related to the revision of the main monopolies in the country - electricity, water, heating, telecommunications companies. They have even started talking about a media monopoly in Bulgaria, etc. These are clearly consumer and social demands, which have been rejected.

The third group of demands are demands against the local authority. At present, the local governments in many cities in Bulgaria have united with the big local business, the city of Varna being a typical example of this. Many of the protests will turn towards demands for the resignation of local mayors. Of course, there are other groups of demands that are difficult to systemize but they vary from a call to change the whole system to an absolute specification of local issues. Do not forget that we have four cases of people who have burned themselves to death since the beginning of the protests.

How do you explain the phenomenon of Bulgarian citizens burning themselves to death in recent weeks?

For moral and human reasons, I feel very uncomfortable that such incidents have become the object of political analysis and I would not like to discuss them.

I see but I'd like you to tell us whether these acts of extreme protest relate to the general wave of discontent in the country in your opinion or if they are an unfortunate coincidence of personal drama during the national unrest.

You see, the feeling of impasse is common. In the case of Plamen Goranov from the city of Varna - he has become a symbol. As far as I know, he burned himself to death with a poster in the city of Varna. The man in Radnevo burned himself to death because he was unable to pay his debts and support his family. I think that the case in the city of Veliko Turnovo was the same ... but it is incorrect to comment on these things.

These are not coincidences. Their personal drama has been evolving against the very state of the country. The act of Plamen Goranov in particular probably carried the concept of a political demonstration. With his face, the protests have begun creating their folklore, developing their own system of values ​​and authorities.

How much have the media catalysed this in your opinion?

Initially, it could be said that the media catalyzed this process mainly as an anonymous political action and impersonality. In such a moment, impersonality is a sign of authenticity. In this situation, the media were looking for two things - clear demands and clear leaders. Where these two things were not present, they were created not only by the media but also by all other types of social and political analysis, including me as well. Each random poster could present a formal demand. Anyone with a megaphone became the leader.

To what extent has the Greek crisis affected Bulgaria?

According to a survey we carried out a year ago, many Bulgarians were worried about the development of the Greek problem in Bulgaria. The two main factors were the proximity of Greece and the significance of the developments in our southern neighbour.

Greece often uses the name of Bulgaria as synonymous of very bad developments. In Bulgaria, on the other hand, one could often hear the words, "Let’s tighten the belts in order not to become like Greece."

In fact, Greece has become the bogeyman of every politician who should introduce austerity measures. Greece is used as an example to others of what might happen if such measures are not adopted in time.

The opinion that the standard of living in Greece has not significantly dropped in comparison with the period before the crisis is widespread among the households in Bulgaria. The majority of people are convinced that the apparent standard of Greeks in crisis remains significantly better than that of the Bulgarians.

Other influences that Greece has had on Bulgaria are the example of achieving political consensus in times of political and financial crisis. Now, a government of national salvation is operating in Greece and Bulgarian parties can take it as an example. Last but not least, Greece has become a symbol of civic activism. Comments like, "The Greeks are fighting and we Bulgarians suffer too much" can be heard too often in Bulgaria. It is highly controversial whether the Greek model is successful, but the fact is that it often serves as an example.