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Anastasia Balezdrova

Six days after the controversial appointment of Delian Peevski as the head of the State Agency for National Security (SANS), the unpleasant surprises for the Bulgarian society have not ended. Prime Minister Oresharski had to admit that he had asked Peevski to access classified information before his election by parliament, saying that the application submitted to the National Assembly is entitled to such rights. At the same time, it turns out that Delian Peevski was the only person for whom early access had been requested.

While the protests in Sofia and other cities are becoming more dynamic and new polls show the low confidence of society, the government has appointed 11 governors, all proposed by the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP).

Ivo Berov, a famous national radio and television journalist and blogger, is talking with GRReporter about the future of the protests and cabinet, the political alternatives and the media in Bulgaria.

Mr. Berov, why did the government make such a suicidal move by appointing Delian Peevski as the head of the SANS? How would you explain its act?

Peevski has some qualities that had undoubtedly influenced his election as the head of the SANS. First, he really is enthusiastic to collect any information related to the ruling of Boyko Borisov. The BSP is in a hurry to defeat its main enemy, which is the Citizens for European Development (GERB) Party at present, by prosecuting it because it is aware of its own inability to establish its power through rapid emergence from the crisis and by implementing its election promises. Second, Peevski has power, money and influence. He has money due to his companies and his relationship with the Corporate Commercial Bank, power due to his influence in the Movement for Rights and Freedoms and influence due to the large number of media owned by him.

How would you comment on the information that leaked out on Wednesday, namely that Delian Peevski had had authorized access to classified "Top Secret" information several days before he had been elected by the parliament?

The BSP knows that the faster it starts making revelations related to Borisov’s people and taking legal actions against them, the better for it. Therefore, they had informed Peevski in advance in order to enable him to start with the investigations. Apparently, they had agreed in advance what he would do as the head of the State Agency for National Security. They were in a hurry.

What is your forecast for the future of the office?

It was intended that the office would exist for about a year and that some actions that are really necessary for the economy and state would be taken during this time. At the same time, it was the BSP's intention to be able to excuse its mistakes and unfulfilled promises with Oresharski like Boyko Borisov did with his Finance Minister Djankov, to send away Oresharski with apparent and hidden benefits (bonuses) and to form, along with its allies, a government - not an expert government but a government involving people from their circles. The protests have spoilt this plan and I cannot predict exactly what will happen.

What is the future of the protests in your opinion and what could they lead to?

If they lead to a rapid fall of the government, they can lead to new elections. Then, the former rulers, the people of Boyko Borisov, will save their skins and avoid the possible sentences, and, in turn, they will want to settle accounts with the BSP. They will hardly fail to fully "settle accounts with the BSP" since it will be difficult for the new parliament to form a government too and it will not be sustainable. Nevertheless, the Bulgarian citizens will be self-confident and will realize that the policy of Bulgaria and the fate of the country depend ultimately on them themselves.

Peevski’s appointment has provoked violent reactions including in the BSP and it seems that a rebellion is on its way. What will happen to the party bearing in mind the fact that even the Party of European Socialists urged yesterday Sergey Stanishev to resign?

The political opponents of Stanishev and mainly the people close to Parvanov will try to replace him and take hold of the party.

How do you define the actions of the Attack party and what may be the consequences of its attempt to create something like a barricade to stop the protestors?

Volen Siderov, like Boyko Borisov, has good political acumen. In the majority of cases, he is aware of the wishes and sentiments of his constituents and acts accordingly. He does not care how society as a whole will evaluate his actions; for him, it is important to appeal to his people in order for them to vote for him. After his recent acts, however, the confidence in him will undoubtedly fall. Nevertheless, he will still enter the next National Assembly. We should bear in mind the fact that he is on the verge of his emotional and mental stability and may resort to some unpredictable and bizarre actions.

If there are early elections, is it likely that a new coalition government will evolve?